As Yemenis cross the sea to Djibouti to escape the fighting, Ethiopian migrants board boats in the opposite direction, hoping to find job opportunities in the Gulf. But some of these journeys end before reaching the shores of Yemen. On the night of October 8–9, 2026, a boat carrying 305 migrants capsized near Obock in Djibouti, leaving at least 139 dead, including 15 children, and 84 missing, according to the International Organization for Migration (IOM).
The disaster highlights the scale of the risks migrants are willing to take, despite knowing that their journey could end in drowning, detention or extortion. Nevertheless, thousands continue crossing the sea toward a country engulfed in an escalating war, seeking to reach the Gulf states. According to the IOM, 922 deaths and disappearances were recorded along the Eastern Migration Route in 2025, compared with 558 in 2024.
The decision to migrate is shaped by overlapping factors related to safety, work, available opportunities and human smuggling networks. Annahar draws on an academic’s testimony and field research to understand what drives Ethiopians to risk their lives to reach Yemen, despite knowing what awaits them along the way.
In an interview with Annahar, Laura Hammond, Professor of Development Studies at SOAS University of London, explained how conflict and economic insecurity combine to drive Ethiopians to migrate, despite the dangers that await them.
Hammond explains that the reasons behind individual journeys are complex and varied, with a strong link between conflict, livelihood insecurity and migration. Her assessment draws on visits to the Tigray region since the end of the major war there in 2022, as well as discussions with people who spoke about relatives leaving, particularly young men and women.
Among the risks migrants weigh, she notes, are the forced recruitment of men, sexual violence targeting women, and economic strangulation linked to bank closures, difficulties obtaining fuel and restrictions on communications. She concludes that “even when they know the risks associated with migration, they often see the risks of staying in their home country as greater.”
She explains that the search for income is often closely tied to the need for safety. A person may be forced to leave home, while the money available to them, their connections and their expectations shape their destination and how they travel. Such cases reveal the limitations of traditional classifications that distinguish between “economic migrants” and “displaced people,” even though the motives and circumstances shaping individual decisions often overlap.
The nature of the journey itself may also change. Hammond gives the example of someone who leaves in search of work or education but is then kidnapped and held for ransom from their family. At that point, she explains, the person becomes a “forced migrant in transit,” facing the risks of both staying and returning.
She adds that she led a research and evidence programme in the Horn of Africa for eight years, during which her team repeatedly found that conventional classifications failed to capture the complexity of migrants’ motivations and the choices available to them.
Family networks and diaspora connections also factor into migrants’ calculations. Having a relative who can provide accommodation or a job, or help them navigate a new society, makes reaching their destination a tangible goal. Hammond recounts how people interviewed by her team were willing to face the dangers to reach a place where these networks could help them build a better life.
Although having relatives does not guarantee safety upon arrival or eliminate the dangers of the journey, it influences migrants’ calculations and their assessment of their chances of achieving economic and social stability, particularly when their home countries offer few guarantees.
Annahar contacted Marina de Regt, a researcher in anthropology at Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam, who referred us to her published research on migrant domestic workers and the historical ties between Yemen and the Horn of Africa.
In a study published in 2007, based on fieldwork conducted between 2003 and 2006, she documented Yemen’s reception of female migrants and domestic workers from the Horn of Africa. Her findings show that Yemen has also served as a destination for work and settlement, in addition to functioning as a transit route toward the Gulf.
In another study published in 2010, she examined Ethiopian women’s routes to Yemen through relatives, friends, recruitment agencies and boats. She concluded that the method of entry, legal status and freedom of movement are not consistently linked: a woman may enter on a valid visa, then work and reside in the country without documents that would allow her to leave easily.
Hammond believes that tighter border controls may curb migration to some extent, but preventing dangerous journeys requires addressing conflict, the lack of opportunities and insecurity. For some migrants, the deciding factor is the comparison between the danger of the journey and the danger of staying. For them, the search for a safer route begins with making life bearable before they ever reach the shore.
