Of the 14 people who have served as Israel's prime minister since the country's establishment in 1948, five have been generals. Two of them, Yitzhak Rabin and Ehud Barak, were former military chiefs of staff. If Gadi Eisenkot succeeds in forming a government, he will become the third former chief of staff to lead the Israeli government. As he prepares for his potential new role, people close to Eisenkot, 66, say he has closely studied the history of Israel's generals who entered politics and decided that the figure whose legacy he most hopes to emulate is Yitzhak Rabin (1922-1995). But can he truly follow in Rabin's footsteps while navigating the hornet's nest of Israeli politics? Or will he become a prisoner of the constraints that bind political leaders and prevent them from seizing the historic opportunities now presenting themselves? Israel's history has produced leaders who rose to power through profoundly contradictory ideologies and doctrines. They sought to establish a Jewish state in the Middle East and persuaded the West that it would become an "oasis of democracy," a "beacon of science and progress," and a "model of economic prosperity and technological superiority," or, in the Jewish expression, "a light unto the nations." The Crisis of the Israeli Model Yet the Israeli model, despite its considerable technological, industrial and scientific achievements, embraced an uncompromising and arrogant security doctrine that kept the country in a perpetual state of crisis and war, exhausting its resources and threatening the lives of its people. Israel's leaders have all benefited from generous Western military, political and economic support, aligning themselves with Western interests under the banner of "shared civilizational values." They convinced themselves and their people that this was the only way to ensure the survival of the state as "the world's only national home for the Jewish people," making military force a fundamental pillar of its existence. But Israelis have repeatedly confronted a different reality, one demonstrating that even overwhelming military power has its limits. This became evident during the 1973 war, the First Lebanon War in 1982 and the first Palestinian intifada in 1987. With some notable exceptions, certain Israeli leaders began searching for what might be described as a path toward peace. They were quickly confronted by extremist leaders who spread fear, warned of an "existential war" and insisted that the Arabs sought Israel's destruction. Yitzhak Rabin was assassinated in 1995 for his efforts to reach a settlement with representatives of the Palestinian people. Ehud Olmert was forced from office and later imprisoned on corruption charges. Even when all Arab states proposed a peace initiative in 2002 that took into account the Palestinian people's right to self-determination and the establishment of a peaceful, demilitarized state while guaranteeing Israel's security, Israeli leaders appeared alarmed by the proposal and sought to evade the obligations that accepting it would entail. Nearly a quarter of a century later, Israel still refuses to engage with that initiative. Egyptian soldiers raise the flag on the eastern bank of the Suez Canal during the October 1973 War (File photo, AP) The Generals Who Entered Politics Before Eisenkot At the forefront of Israel's generals-turned-politicians stands Yigal Allon, who commanded the Zionist paramilitary organization Palmach before Israel's establishment. When the organization was dissolved, Allon and its fighters joined the Israeli army. He eventually left military service with the rank of major general. Allon served as acting prime minister for just 19 days following the death of Prime Minister Levi Eshkol, until Golda Meir was chosen to succeed him. Despite his brief tenure, Allon was an enormously influential figure in Israeli politics. He devised the Allon Plan for resolving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, which sought to impose Israeli sovereignty over Jerusalem, the Jordan Valley and the area extending from Hebron to Jerusalem. He also proposed establishing a small Druze state in the Syrian Golan Heights. Yitzhak Rabin, who first became prime minister in 1974, can be credited with helping Israel regain its bearings after the setback it suffered in the October 1973 war. He was nevertheless forced to resign after it emerged that his wife had failed to declare the full amount held in a US dollar bank account the couple maintained in the United States. His resignation entered Israeli political history as an honorable act reflecting personal integrity and honesty. Rabin sought to uphold that reputation during his second term as prime minister, from 1992 to 1995, and even his opponents acknowledged his integrity. He did not shy away from pursuing peace with the Palestinians. Instead, he committed himself fully to the effort, even as Benjamin Netanyahu led the opposition with fierce rhetoric that went as far as accusing him of treason. Rabin was a tough negotiator with the Palestinians and occasionally appeared to retreat from his positions. Nevertheless, Palestinian President Yasser Arafat praised him, saying that had Rabin not been assassinated, they could have reached a historic peace agreement. Ehud Barak is regarded as one of Israel's most decorated military figures, having received more military honors than any other Israeli soldier. It was Rabin who brought him into politics. Yet Barak was marked by an extraordinary degree of arrogance and became known for his impulsiveness. When the Camp David negotiations between Barak and Arafat failed, Barak made his famous declaration that Israel had "no Palestinian partner for peace." That assertion became a convenient argument for Israeli leaders seeking to undermine subsequent peace initiatives. Although Barak has attempted to change course in recent years, he remains a discredited figure in the eyes of many Israelis. Ariel Sharon, a general known for his thuggish approach, helped lead a campaign of pressure against Prime Minister Levi Eshkol to launch a war against Arab countries in 1967. During the October 1973 war, Sharon defied orders when he crossed the Suez Canal. Prime Minister Yitzhak Shamir later regarded him as a dangerous rebel. Yet when Sharon became prime minister, he withdrew Israeli forces from the Gaza Strip and dismantled the settlements there. In his final years in politics, he even began speaking about a two-state solution. Whose Example Will Eisenkot Follow? Eisenkot is weighing the experiences of these four figures because he understands that Israeli public opinion is divided over its military leaders. In the past, generals were regarded with something approaching reverence. Today, however, Israelis have concrete examples of military commanders who entered politics, and they subject their records to scrutiny, categorizing them as right-wing or left-wing. The divide was also reflected in Netanyahu's election slogan, "Right or Palestine," which he adopted in the final stages of his campaign and which is said to have attracted hundreds of thousands of voters. The first quality Eisenkot hopes to emulate from Rabin is personal integrity, a trait that even his political opponents acknowledge he possesses. The second is perseverance: the ability to pursue a goal with patience and determination. The third is boldness and courage in making decisions. The time has not yet come to assess whether Eisenkot possesses that quality, although his associates claim he surpasses even Rabin in this respect. Eisenkot also emphasizes that he places the interests of the state above all other considerations. Yet the challenges ahead present him with a fundamental task: bringing Israel back to its senses after what he sees as the reckless policies pursued by Benjamin Netanyahu, which have seriously endangered Israeli interests. This places him on a collision course with the far right, which has become a formidable force in Israel. The far right's ideas now dominate much of Israeli society, while armed, unruly militias exert control over the streets, openly displaying racism and thuggish behavior. These forces seek perpetual war. They imagine they can establish Israel as the region's dominant power and impose peace through force. They seek to punish the entire Arab world for Hamas's October 7, 2023, attack by occupying territory not only in Palestine but also in Lebanon, Syria and elsewhere whenever possible. They show little concern for Israel's international standing or for humanitarian principles, international law and international conventions. How Does Eisenkot Differ From the Right? The reality is that Eisenkot himself is not far removed from some of the Israeli right's positions. He simply expresses them differently, speaking of "ensuring superiority over the countries of the region" and maintaining that "force is an essential element in achieving peace." Nor is he prepared to abandon the pursuit of decisive military victories on the various fronts, particularly against Iran and its armed proxies. However, Eisenkot also wants everything to be pursued in a spirit of partnership with the United States and "national unity." His approach to regional and international relations differs from that of the far right, and he seeks to end wars through political agreements, particularly with Syria and Lebanon. Although he has reservations about President Donald Trump's 20-point plan, which was subsequently adopted in a UN Security Council resolution, Eisenkot says he will abide by it because the Netanyahu-led government approved it and because he respects international agreements and treaties. The legacy Eisenkot hopes to establish is that of a leader who halted the deterioration of Israel's regional and international standing, restored hope for progress and prosperity, and revived the political prestige of the country's generals. His associates say he has carefully studied the experiences of generals who became prime ministers and understands which examples he should follow and which mistakes he must avoid. But will he succeed in charting a course that makes him a bold, historic leader, or will he end up repeating their mistakes?
