Subscribe to our Lens on Sudan newsletter here. When Rapid Support Forces Commander Mohamed Hamdan “Hemedti” Dagalo quietly touched down in Addis Ababa last week, the Blue Nile State front was raging along Ethiopia’s border and reinforcements for the fighting were amassing on both sides. Ethiopia, meanwhile, was contending with renewed tensions of its own. For the RSF, keeping channels open with Addis Ababa is particularly important given that its border is part of the security environment surrounding the fighting in Blue Nile. Operations and troop movements along the border were among the main subjects of Hemedti’s talks, according to an RSF leadership source and an Ethiopian government source who spoke to Mada Masr. For the Ethiopian source, Addis Ababa’s immediate concern is keeping Sudan’s war from spilling across the border. But Sudanese intelligence sees another layer to Ethiopia’s interest in the RSF. Ethiopia could factor the paramilitary group into its own military arrangements as it manages conflicts with domestic opponents, particularly amid renewed tensions with Tigray, a Sudanese intelligence source said. Such a relationship could also give Addis Ababa greater room to operate on the Sudanese side of the border, they added. The Sudanese military is watching that possibility from an increasingly exposed position. It has lost the strategic border towns of Geisan and Kurmuk in Blue Nile and is now trying to stop the advance from the border toward Blue Nile’s capital, Damazin. And there is a new reason for concern — a significant buildup since July at an Ethiopian military base in Asosa, located in the Benishangul-Gumuz region bordering Sudan. The area has been repeatedly used to launch major operations by the RSF and its allies into Blue Nile. But an intelligence source in the state said the recent buildup could make the cross-border corridor into Kurmuk and Geisan harder for the military to penetrate and could facilitate the unimpeded movement of supplies and forces to the RSF and its allies. With the border towns secured, the RSF and its allies are now pushing against the military positions guarding Damazin. They captured Bakori in the Geisan locality and Sirkum in Kurmuk last week, triggering a rush of military reinforcements into the state capital and the positions around it. While the military is shoring up Damazin, the RSF is fortifying Geneina, the capital of West Darfur. Military operations this week secured another position near the city, part of an offensive that has been underway since July and has brought military and allied forces within reach of the RSF-held capital. The RSF is now digging around the city, extending sand berms and trenches as a defensive measure against a possible surprise attack. This week, it brought in large numbers of fighters in what a military field source described as preparation for attacks on military positions in West Darfur and neighboring North Darfur. Kordofan, the war’s critical faultline between an RSF push east and a military push west, saw its second major defection this week. Abu Bakr Dahloub, the RSF’s intelligence chief for special missions in North Kordofan’s Hamra al-Sheikh and the Egypt-Libya-Sudan border triangle, defected to the military with around 200 fighters. After securing major gains in North Kordofan weeks ago, the military continues to target RSF supply and gathering points in neighboring West Kordofan. Military aircraft struck several fuel and ammunition depots and RSF gatherings there this week, destroying supplies that had just arrived to reinforce positions in the area. In Khartoum, the state is trying to get its internal political dialogue off the ground despite intractable disagreements with major political forces over the process itself. The dialogue’s preparatory committee announced its formation this week and is now beginning outreach. But ongoing disputes over the committee’s independence, the fact that talks will be held in military-controlled territory and the question of who gets a seat at the table remain major obstacles to its efforts to secure participation. *** Hemedti in Addis Ababa In his second trip to the Ethiopian capital since the war broke out, RSF Commander Mohamed Hamdan “Hemedti” Dagalo arrived in Addis Ababa in an unannounced visit on August 26. Hemedti’s first visit, in December 2023, was a formal trip that culminated in a political declaration with Abdalla Hamdok, the prime minister he had ousted with his once-ally Sudanese military chief Abdel Fattah al-Burhan. His quiet return comes as the Ethiopia-Sudan border figures directly in the fighting, while Khartoum and Addis Ababa accuse each other of backing forces in the other’s conflict. A source in the RSF leadership said Hemedti met with Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, but an Ethiopian government source informed of the contacts neither confirmed nor denied that the two had met, saying only that Hemedti met with Ethiopian officials. Both sources said the stated purpose of the visit was to discuss political developments, prospects for peace and the course of the war. But the fighting and growing security concerns along the Sudan-Ethiopia border occupied much of the discussions, according to the two sources as well as a source in Sudan’s General Intelligence Service who spoke to Mada Masr. According to the intelligence source, the visit could mark a point at which Addis Ababa begins factoring the RSF into its own military calculations around its internal conflicts, particularly the renewed tensions with the Tigray People’s Liberation Front. For the RSF leadership, maintaining contact with the Ethiopian government has become particularly important given the escalating operations in Blue Nile and their proximity to the Ethiopian border, which forms part of the wider security environment surrounding the fighting, the RSF source said. Developments in Blue Nile State were among the main issues on the table. The discussions covered troop movements along the border and cross-border security threats, the source said. The visit, they added, was part of ongoing political and security contacts with the Ethiopian government and broader outreach by the RSF leadership to Sudan’s neighboring countries. The Ethiopian government source said the discussions included the impact of continued fighting on Ethiopian areas bordering Sudan. They said Addis Ababa is looking to maintain open communication with Sudan’s various parties. Ethiopia’s immediate concern is to prevent the fighting from spilling over into its territory and to preserve stability in its border areas, the source added, particularly as military operations in Blue Nile have begun to directly affect neighboring Ethiopian areas. Addis Ababa, they added, is monitoring the movement of armed groups on both sides of the border. Armed fighters have repeatedly crossed the border in both directions in recent months. The RSF and the allied Sudan People’s Liberation Movement-North led by Abdel Aziz al-Hilu have launched several major offensives in Blue Nile from across the border. The first came in March, when the two forces advanced on and captured the strategic town of Kurmuk, a key gateway between Blue Nile and Ethiopia. They launched another offensive in August, weeks after the military had retaken Kurmuk. Three military sources told Mada Masr last month that the August offensive, which reopened the fight over some of Blue Nile’s most strategically important border positions, was partly launched by forces that crossed from Asosa, located in Ethiopia’s Benishangul-Gumuz region, into Sudan. A local administrator in Asosa told Mada Masr at the time that heavy infantry units had been observed moving from an RSF base inside Ethiopia toward the Blue Nile border prior to the offensive. The movement has also gone in the opposite direction. In early August, a force of Tigrayan fighters crossed from Sudan into Western Tigray, an Ethiopian military source told Mada Masr at the time. Fighting subsequently broke out between the Ethiopian federal government and the TPLF, after four years of contentious peace between the two sides. Federal pressure on Tigray then escalated, followed by a surprising turn in alliances against Abiy. The renewed tensions with Tigray are part of how Sudan’s intelligence service understands Ethiopia’s interest in the RSF. The Ethiopian government could factor the paramilitary group into its military arrangements as it manages its conflicts with domestic opponents, particularly the TPLF, while gaining greater room to maneuver in Sudanese areas along its border, the intelligence source told Mada Masr. A closer Addis Ababa-RSF relationship is likely to register as a significant development for Tigray, particularly because of what it could mean for Western Tigray, the disputed area bordering Sudan, according to a former Sudanese diplomat informed of Ethiopia-Sudan relations. Tigrayan leaders are closely monitoring military and logistical movements along the border, the diplomat said, and a shift in the relationship could prompt them to reconsider their military posture there. The relationship could also serve Ethiopia in its dealings with Khartoum. It would give Addis Ababa a political and security channel to one of the main parties to Sudan’s war, which the government could use to exert pressure on Khartoum amid the diplomatic fallout between the two sides over Ethiopia’s increasing involvement in the war, the intelligence source said. For the military, that possibility carries particular weight as fighting continues in Blue Nile, where any security coordination between Addis Ababa and the RSF could affect how it manages the southeastern front, they added. What will determine the significance of Hemedti’s visit in the coming period is whether it is followed by security meetings or practical arrangements along the border, the former diplomat said. *** Buildup at Ethiopian base fuels concerns over RSF corridor toward Damazin A convoy of military vehicles moves through Ethiopia, April 27. Courtesy: Sudan Nabaa. A surge in military buildup at an Ethiopian military base in Asosa near the border with Sudan is raising concerns within the Sudanese military that the stretch of land between Asosa and RSF-held areas in Blue Nile could become a buffer zone entirely beyond the military’s attempts to reassert control, an intelligence source in the Fourth Infantry Division, based in Damazin, told Mada Masr. Such a zone could serve as an unimpeded corridor for supplies and military operations toward Damazin, the capital of Blue Nile, the source added. According to the source, the Sudanese military detected an increase in vehicles, ammunition and crates believed to contain weapons at the base, along with medical supplies intended for field hospitals. The Asosa base, located in Ethiopia’s Benishangul-Gumuz region and around 100 km from Blue Nile’s Kurmuk, belongs to the Ethiopian National Defense Forces, they added. Activity at the base had been visible since the start of the year but picked up in July, the source said, particularly as fighters from Darfur began arriving in Ethiopia via South Sudan. The flights ferrying them from South Sudan to Asosa, landing at dirt airstrips, have become so frequent that they are no longer especially discreet, the source added, noting that containers were also arriving at the base in greater numbers over the same period. The buildup has turned Asosa into a significant logistical hub, the source said, with implications for operations along the Blue Nile front. The scale of the buildup at the base was visible in satellite imagery. Yale’s Humanitarian Research Lab identified around 100 vehicles that arrived in the ENDF base between August 23 and 28, six times the number present at the site earlier. The new arrivals included vehicles with apparent mounted weapons and another group consistent with armored personnel carriers, as well as new vehicle carriers and trailers. Fifteen containers and eight cargo trucks were also identified. The surge came on top of an accumulation of materiel since late June, according to the lab’s report. The research lab identified at least 60 new cargo containers at the base between June 29 and August 23. The activity at Asosa was accompanied by an increase in cargo traffic from the United Arab Emirates, according to open-source flight-tracking data. The records show 46 flights by Ilyushin aircraft during August, with a notable increase in activity during the final week — the highest monthly total since the airbridge was established. A senior Ethiopian Air Force official told Mada Masr that the buildup serves both the federal government’s fight against domestic opponents and the RSF, but is primarily directed toward supporting the paramilitary group. The heightened activity at the base coincided with a major RSF and SPLM-N advance on the Blue Nile front in August, which began with the capture of Geisan and Kurmuk, which both sit near the Ethiopian border, and continued last week with attacks on military positions along the routes toward Damazin. The offensive on Geisan and Kurmuk was launched from across the border, according to the military sources who spoke to Mada Masr at the time. After withdrawing from Kurmuk in July, the RSF regrouped at camps in Asosa, one of the military sources said, adding that the fighters were reinforced with additional personnel, including mercenaries of various nationalities who had undergone advanced military training in the preceding weeks. On August 28, the RSF and its allies captured Bakori and Sirkum, with a military source saying the assault on Bakori was partly launched from inside Ethiopia. A Sudanese security source told Mada Masr that Asosa’s significance at this stage lies less in any declaration of Ethiopian involvement in the war and more in its geography. The base, they added, sits close to the Sudanese border and Asosa is linked by road and air routes that reach operational areas in Blue Nile. *** RSF moves on positions protecting Damazin, military sends for massive reinforcements RSF and SPLM-N troops are saluted after taking control of the Bakori and Sirkum areas in Blue Nile State, August 29. Courtesy: RSF. Two military positions in Blue Nile protecting the routes to the state capital Damazin fell to the RSF and its ally, the SPLM-N under Joseph Toka, on August 28. The military responded by moving reinforcements into Damazin and deploying additional forces and equipment toward the front. The RSF and its allies took control of Bakori in the Geisan locality and Sirkum in Kurmuk after battles that they described as “decisive.” Both areas had come under drone attacks in the preceding days. Last week, the military stated that it shot down a strategic drone over Sirkum it said had crossed the border from Ethiopia. The two positions are part of the network of military bases protecting Damazin. Bakori, about 170 km southeast of the state capital, is particularly significant, as it houses the headquarters of the military’s 14th Infantry Brigade, part of the Fourth Infantry Division based in Damazin. A military source told Mada Masr that the assault on Bakori was preceded by heavy attacks involving suicide and strategic drones as well as heavy artillery. The RSF and its allies then moved on the area on the morning of August 28 from three directions, including from inside Ethiopian territory and from Amora, north of the RSF-held town of Geisan, the source said. With the military lacking modern jamming systems capable of blunting the drone barrage, its forces eventually withdrew after fighting that lasted through the evening, abandoning the position and pulling back toward its northern outskirts, they added. After Bakori fell, the military also evacuated Sirkum, allowing the RSF and Toka’s forces to enter without a fight, according to the source. The RSF-led Tasis alliance, which heads the parallel government in western Sudan, said in a statement on the evening of August 28 that the operations represented a significant shift in the battlefield, adding that the military suffered heavy losses in personnel and equipment. A military source in the Fourth Infantry Division said that after the strategic border towns of Geisan and Kurmuk fell in mid-August, the battle had shifted farther from the border toward the positions protecting the routes to Damazin. Since the fall of Bakori and Sirkum last week, the military has sent substantial reinforcements from Khartoum, Gezira and Sennar states to Damazin, with the aim of retaking the towns and areas recently captured by the RSF in southeastern Blue Nile, a third military source told Mada Masr. The military has also moved a brigade from the elite forces of the General Intelligence Service toward the Bakori front, the source said. Additional battalions belonging to the joint force of armed movements allied with the military have also arrived in the area, according to the source. The forces are equipped with jamming systems, they said, and some have already begun deploying and preparing artillery and drone strikes against RSF positions from military defenses to the north of Bakori. For the Fourth Infantry Division source, however, the central problem facing the military is now supply rather than the initial loss of territory. Its forward units must simultaneously protect roads, supply depots, artillery positions and communications sites spread across large swaths of land. The geography favors a force able to operate along several axes, allowing the RSF and its allies operating from across the border and from SPLM-N territory, to pressure supply lines and force the military to redistribute its troops, the source said. The military, by contrast, relies on regular units and forces moving forward from Damazin, making any disruption to those lines of movement costly and complicating its ability to hold positions it recaptures, the source added. Burhan visited Damazin on Wednesday. Accompanied by Blue Nile’s governor and the commander of the Fourth Infantry Division, Burhan toured the city in an open-top vehicle, in an apparent effort to demonstrate the military’s control over the security situation and counter RSF claims that its forces are nearing Damazin. In a statement, the Fourth Infantry Division said Burhan inspected troops and assessed their combat readiness and preparedness to carry out their assigned duties. He was also briefed on the security and operational situation in the state. According to the statement, Burhan called for heightened readiness and vigilance, greater discipline and combat preparedness. *** Military captures new position in West Darfur; RSF fortifies Geneina with berms, reinforces troops The joint force of military-allied armed movements and mobilized civilian brigades captured Abu Sorug in West Darfur’s Sirba locality on Saturday. The area lies about 58 km from the RSF-held capital Geneina. The advance comes as the RSF reinforces its positions inside Geneina and builds earth berms around the city, while preparing its forces for attacks on military-held areas in West Darfur and neighboring North Darfur, according to a field source in the joint force. West Darfur Governor Bahr Eddin Karama said the military and its allies captured the Abu Sorug administrative unit after what he described as decisive fighting. The joint force field source told Mada Masr that its fighters advanced from Bir Saliba toward Abu Sorug, near the Chadian border, before clashing with RSF positions in the area. Bir Saliba, which sits about 30 km north of Geneina on the Sudan-Chad border, was captured by the military in July as part of an offensive launched from North Darfur that brought military and allied forces within reach of Geneina. The RSF has since launched several attacks in an effort to retake lost ground and ease pressure on the capital. The field source said the RSF gathered large numbers of fighters in Geneina this week in preparation for attacks on military positions in West Darfur and North Darfur. The group had paid salaries and incentives in advance to units assembled north and west of Geneina and supplied them with ammunition and other military provisions, the source said. The RSF has also been repositioning forces along the main roads leading toward military-held areas in Abu Sorug and Bir Saliba in West Darfur and Tina in North Darfur, according to the source. Inside Geneina, meanwhile, the RSF has shifted to a more defensive deployment, with earth berms extending across the city’s northern and western parts in anticipation of a possible surprise attack by the military, the source said. An RSF field source told Mada Masr during the July campaign that the group had begun digging trenches and building earth berms around the city’s outskirts. The RSF buildup has also extended to North Darfur. The Popular Resistance in North Darfur said the RSF gathered large numbers of fighters in the Ambro locality on Tuesday in preparation for an attack on the strategic border town of Tina. The following day, the group said, military aircraft carried out heavy strikes on the concentrations, scattering the forces and destroying a large number of vehicles. An activist in Tina told Mada Masr that a military drone also struck RSF gatherings on Wednesday in Um Marahik, in North Darfur’s Karnoi locality, destroying combat vehicles and sites used to store weapons and ammunition. *** Aerial attacks hit UN aid trucks, Dalang market in South Kordofan UN aid trucks after being struck by the RSF outside Dalang in South Kordofan, August 30. Courtesy: Motsim Jabr Aldar via Facebook. Two trucks carrying United Nations food aid to Kadugli were struck outside Dalang in South Kordofan on Sunday, days after an RSF drone attack on a market in the city killed three people and wounded others. The World Food Programme said the trucks were carrying food supplies and “were clearly marked with WFP banners and flags.” The attack destroyed more than 50 tons of food, “enough to provide lifesaving assistance to 5,800 people for one month,” the UN agency said. WFP described the attack as the latest example of the increasingly complex operating environment facing humanitarian organizations in Sudan. Since the beginning of the year, it said, WFP facilities have been affected by eight aerial attacks that damaged its premises and disrupted operations. Dalang itself came under an RSF drone attack on the evening of August 28, according to the Sudan Doctors Network. The strike hit a market and freight trucks near the city’s entrance, killing three people and wounding others. A community notable in Dalang told Mada Masr that the city has faced repeated RSF drone attacks over the preceding ten days. Most of the strikes have hit neighborhoods and areas where civilians gather, he said, adding that he believed the attacks were intended to force residents to leave. *** Military strikes RSF depots, concentrations in West Kordofan Military aircraft carried out strikes on Tuesday on RSF fuel and ammunition depots in Gafawa, northwest of Debeibat in West Kordofan, as well as on other RSF concentrations west of Khawi, a military source told Mada Masr. The strikes destroyed supplies that had reached RSF positions in the area earlier this week, the source said, describing the attacks as part of the military’s efforts to disrupt RSF supply routes and put pressure on its forces along the western axis. The attacks come as the military presses an offensive across Kordofan that has expanded since July. After rapidly advancing across North Kordofan and taking control of one of the RSF’s largest concentrations of fighters and military equipment in the region, the military now controls six of the state’s eight localities. It has since turned its attention westward, striking RSF positions in West Kordofan to lay the groundwork for an advance into the state. The RSF has repeatedly tried to claw back lost ground, launching attacks from both West Kordofan and its remaining positions in North Kordofan. An activist from North Kordofan’s Bara, captured by the military in July, told Mada Masr that RSF-affiliated groups attacked the Qaa and Kokeity areas west of the city on Saturday. The groups killed five young men and looted livestock and civilian homes, they said, prompting residents to flee and travel hundreds of kilometers toward western Omdurman in Khartoum. *** RSF commander in North Kordofan defects, arrives in capital with 200 fighters A group of RSF defectors arrive in Omdurman, August 30. Courtesy: Sudan News Agency A group of about 200 RSF fighters defected under Abu Bakr Dahloub, the paramilitary group’s intelligence chief for special missions in North Kordofan’s Hamra al-Sheikh and the Egypt-Libya-Sudan border triangle area and a member of its executive office. The defectors arrived in Omdurman on Sunday and announced that they were joining the military with their weapons and equipment. They said they were prepared to take part in combat operations alongside the military and allied forces. Speaking to the state-owned Sudan TV, Dahloub said the group had come to recognize what he called the mistake of joining “the statelet of evil” project carried out by the Dagalo family, and decided to side with what he described as the national camp and participate in operations against the RSF. Dahloub praised the efforts of former RSF leaders who recently defected to the military, naming former Darfur commanders Al-Nour “Gubba” Adam, Ali “Savanna” Rizgallah and Musa “Khamseen” Ahmed, among others. This is the second such defection by a senior field commander who held a command post on the Kordofan front — a decisive battleground and a critical faultline in the war. Former RSF field commander Hussein al-Dodo, who led one of the RSF’s units in Bara, arrived in Omdurman on July 22 with a force of 280 fighters, along with 30 fully equipped combat vehicles. During his interview, Dahloub alleged that Ilyushin aircraft were landing on dirt airstrips in North Kordofan’s Hamra al-Sheikh, each bringing eight-10 tons of weapons and ammunition and leaving with Sudanese goods. He said the continued flow of foreign weapons via these routes was helping prolong the war and called for identifying the sources of the RSF’s weapons and the parties behind its supply operations. *** Preparatory committee for state-led dialogue announced, outreach begins amid intractable disagreements Member of the preparatory committee for the state-led dialogue, journalist Osman Mirghani, speaks during a press conference organized by the committee in Khartoum, August 30. Courtesy: Sudan News Agency. The committee tasked with preparing the state-led political dialogue inside Sudan has moved from initial arrangements to outreach to political and civil forces, testing their willingness to participate and seeking initial understandings over some of the main objections to the process, according to two political sources informed of the committee’s work. The committee announced its formation at its first press conference in Khartoum on Sunday, naming Gasim Badry, the president of Ahfad University for Women, as its chair. It has 18 members, nine based inside Sudan and nine outside, including writer Al-Wathig Kameir, novelist Abdel Aziz Baraka Sakin and human rights lawyer Nabil Adeeb, alongside other academic, political and legal figures. The committee said its mandate was to prepare the ground for dialogue and engage with Sudanese political, civil and community forces. The state’s role, it said, should be limited to providing “guarantees, facilities and protection” without determining the participants, agenda or outcomes. Its first request was for the state to put into effect the legal guarantees Burhan had promised dialogue participants two weeks earlier, including temporary immunity and the suspension of criminal proceedings against those facing charges for the duration of their participation in the political process. The pledge was meant to clear a legal hurdle for several leaders of the opposition Sumud coalition, including its head, former Prime Minister Abdalla Hamdok, and others who were charged over what the military saw as their proximity to the RSF during the coalition’s earlier iteration as part of the Civil Front for Democracy. Justice Minister Abdallah Darf responded on Tuesday by announcing a decree from Burhan ordering the dismissal of complaints filed by state bodies against Sudanese nationals residing abroad who intend to enter Sudan to participate in the dialogue. The order also provides legal protection against prosecution for any statements, views or positions expressed during the sessions. The Transitional Sovereignty Council has yet to determine how long that protections will remain in effect after the dialogue ends, according to a judicial source at the Justice Ministry. With the legal guarantees now taking practical form, the committee is turning to the political work of bringing participants into the process. The most difficult issue at this stage is participation, a political source working as a communications advisor to the committee said. The potential field encompasses political and civil forces, armed movements, independent figures, social and professional groups and forces that have emerged during the war. Whether groups associated with ousted President Omar al-Bashir’s regime and the Islamist current should take part remains one of the most contentious questions, the source said. Committee member and journalist Osman Mirghani said at Sunday’s press conference that the intention was to position the body as a space that could rise above the polarization between Sudan’s political and military camps. But that ambition runs up against a narrower definition of participation set by Burhan himself. When he first announced the initiative in May, he said invitations would go to “national forces,” while excluding “those whose hands are stained with the blood of the Sudanese people,” effectively ruling out political forces aligned with the RSF. Several political forces opposed to the war collectively rejected the call for dialogue last week, at the conclusion of consultative meetings in Addis Ababa, arguing that a political process launched while fighting continues and control of the country remains divided would reflect the wartime balance of power rather than help end the war. The location of the dialogue is another point of contention. Civilian forces opposed to the war that left Sudan after fighting began argue that holding the process in military-controlled areas could distort the conditions for participation and undermine the dialogue’s independence, according to an informed source close to Hamdok. Asked by Mada Masr about the objection, Mirghani argued that holding the dialogue outside Sudan would “distance it from the communities that have borne the greatest burden of the war and diminish its political significance and ability to reflect the country’s reality.” A similar divide runs through the question of guarantees for the process itself. A political source in Sumud said the coalition remains unconvinced that the committee can operate independently of the government or provide guarantees for the dialogue’s independence, given that Burhan initiated the process himself. The source argued that a genuinely independent committee would have at least established its position toward the government before the state itself announced the initiative. Another long-standing faultline is over whether the dialogue should wait for an end to the fighting. Sumud has made a halt to the war and conditions for equal participation a prerequisite, while the committee sees the dialogue as something that can proceed in parallel with efforts to end the war, the source said. The committee’s outreach now is focused on resolving objections over participation, location and the body that will oversee the process before broader sessions begin, the two political sources informed of the outreach and the committee’s work said. For now, none of those questions has been settled. *** Subscribe to our Lens on Sudan newsletter here.The post Sudan Nashra: Hemedti in Addis Ababa | Buildup at Ethiopian base fuels concerns over RSF corridor toward Blue Nile capital, military sends massive reinforcements | RSF fortifies West Darfur capital with berms, reinforces troops | RSF commander in North Kordofan defects, arrives in capital with 200 fighters first appeared on Mada Masr.
